NASA Johnson Space Center
Oral History Project
Edited Oral History Transcript
Brock R.
"Randy" Stone
Interviewed by Sandra Johnson
Houston,
Texas –
31 October 2006
Johnson:
Today is October 31st, 2006. This is the second interview with Randy
Stone, and is being conducted in Houston, Texas, for the NASA Johnson
Space Center Oral History Project. The interviewer is Sandra Johnson,
assisted by Jennifer Ross-Nazzal.
I want to thank you for joining us again today to talk to us.
Stone:
You’re welcome. It’s good to be here.
Johnson:
Good. I want to start today—the last time we talked, we were
still in Landing and Recovery, and I just wanted to get some more
background information. If you could, share with us some details about
the relationship between NASA and DoD [Department of Defense] during
those recovery operations, and how that relationship worked, and what
the protocol was while you were on the ship.
Stone:
Without the DoD, NASA would have been unable to do the recovery of
spacecraft at sea. Clearly we needed the help of the Navy to provide
the ships and helicopters and the Air Force to provide the long-range
search-and-rescue aircraft. Because of the uncertainties of the early
launches, we actually strung ships out across the ocean to accommodate
any of the potential aborts that may occur during ascent. So there
were a lot of involvement with the Navy, and in some cases, the Merchant
Marine, when there weren’t Navy ships that we could schedule—could
not schedule underneath the flight path of the vehicle; we would look
to see where merchant ships were, and have arrangements if we needed
to use one of those ships as an emergency recovery vehicle.
We had a very strong working relationship with the Air Force and the
Navy. We actually had a number of liaison officers within Landing
and Recovery to help us with the DoD interface. Without that it would
have been just hugely complicated. Because of the presidential directive
to go to the Moon, we had a lot of resources from the DoD that were
easily obtainable, even though in the early stages of Apollo, we were
involved in the Vietnam War and there was a lot of other things that
the military was doing with their ships and aircraft.
But it was a big logistical effort to schedule all these things for
a flight, and then if the flight slipped, you kept rescheduling and
rescheduling, and oftentimes one ship that was available for the flight
the first time, if it slipped, was not available, and some other ship
had to be substituted. For the primary recovery ships, they did commit
those for an extended period of time, so we were never surprised with
the primary recovery ship. Once they made the commitment to commit
that ship to recovering the vehicle, then it stayed that way even
if we had multiple slips.
But it was a very good working relationship, and it was very interesting
to see the cooperation, even on the lesser ships that many of us served
on, that were really probably never going to see an Apollo Command
Module, because of the low probability that they would be used, but
they went through their drills and their training with as much enthusiasm
as the primary recovery ship.
NASA provided all of the training to the DoD, both the Air Force Pararescue
men that would jump into the water if the spacecraft did not land
close to a ship. They provided the first response to safe the spacecraft
and make sure that it had the flotation devices installed and was
safe to just bob around out there until a ship got to them. And we
did all the training for the Navy dive teams. Typically we used the
Underwater Demolition Team [UDT] divers as our primary rescue swimmers
on board the ships, or at least the primary recovery ships. We did
all the training for them; taught them how to use the flotation collars
and the special rafts and the special procedures, when we were coming
back from the Moon, to help quarantine the crew.
So NASA engineers, we built the training manuals and delivered them
to the DoD, and then followed up and went out and helped them train.
Oftentimes we delivered a boilerplate spacecraft for them to practice
with, to take out of the water and put on the deck of the ship, and
show them where the hazardous areas on the spacecraft were and that
sort of thing.
So that was the relationship. It was a huge team and a huge team effort.
On an aircraft carrier primary recovery ship, we would have upwards
of thirty to forty NASA folks on board on the primary recovery ships
in support of the recovery of the spacecraft, training of the swimmers,
training of the ship’s complement for handling the spacecraft,
bringing it on board, and running the Quarantine Facility.
Johnson:
How early would you go out on a primary recovery ship before the actual
splashdown?
Stone:
We would typically train at least once with the dive teams before
we ever deployed the ship. It depended oftentimes on how far the ship
had to go from whatever port it was at to the landing site. But it
could be anywhere from one to three weeks prior to the predicted launch
time that the ship would set sail, and then we’d stop and do
training en route to the recovery zone. So it really depended where
the ship was coming from, how far it had to go, on how much earlier
you deployed. Typically we deployed with a ship about two weeks before
launch; got to the ship, and then depending on how far it would go,
we might do some of our training in port before it would sail.
Johnson:
What was the protocol on the ship, especially during that training
time and then during the actual mission? You mentioned that you had
thirty to forty NASA people on the primary recovery ship, and then
you had the Navy and who answered to who on that ship. How did that
relationship work and who directed that?
Stone:
The NASA team had a team leader, and he dealt with the senior officers
of the ship. All of the NASA team, whether there were two of us on
a secondary ship or thirty of us on a primary ship, would be treated
as an officer, in that our quarters would be in officers’ country.
We dined in the officers’ mess. But clearly we operated within
the protocol of the military chain of command. They tried to stay
out of our way when we were doing something that was very specific
to our job and didn’t involve military people. But when we were
working as a team, we went through the normal chain of command; with
the swimmers. Our senior training person would work with the officer
in charge of the swimmers. So it was a very regimented way of dealing
in a military environment.
Johnson:
You mentioned last time it was the same ship for Apollo 11 and then
again with [Apollo] 12. Did you work with the same divers and the
same personnel?
Stone:
We did on [Apollo] 11 and 12. It was the same UDT team that recovered
the spacecraft, so, of course, the second time it was easier. It was
the same deck officer that was responsible for our accommodations
in the hangar deck, and it was the same captain of the ship. It was
Captain [Carl J.] Seiberlich on 11 and 12. He just recently passed
away, and some of the folks that were on Apollo 11 and 12 actually
went to his memorial service at Arlington [National Cemetery, Arlington,
Virginia].
Johnson:
So the relationship while you were working with the DoD personnel,
obviously you got close to them, living in close quarters for two
or three weeks at a time.
Stone:
Yes, and oftentimes we made friends that became lifelong friends from
those events. I still keep track of a couple of the young officers
that were on board ship when I was. Of course, they’re not young
anymore. They’re in their sixties just like I am.
Johnson:
Being from Texas, when you first started in Landing and Recovery,
was this the first time you were exposed to being on ships and boats
and that sort of thing?
Stone:
I had been on small boats. I’d been out in the Gulf [of Mexico]
fishing often with my father. But I had never been on a large ship
at all, and so it was just a great adventure for a twenty-three-year-old.
Johnson:
I just wanted to ask a question about when you first joined NASA.
There was something in some of the research [about] qualification
tests for recovery engineers. Back in the late sixties when you joined,
you went to Carswell Air Force Base in Fort Worth [Texas] for a high-altitude
chamber qualification test?
Stone:
Actually, by the time I came on board in 1967, we had an altitude
chamber here at NASA. It had been installed at NASA. So I didn’t
go to the one at Carswell. I did my altitude chamber runs here at
JSC [Johnson Space Center, Houston, Texas].
But the early folks did, and that was just to—when we were going
to fly on military aircraft, there was a requirement to understand
high altitude or relatively high altitude hypoxia event, if you had
a depressurization of the aircraft. It’s not like an airliner
where the little oxygen mask flips down. You had to take some specific
action to get to where there was a walk-around bottle to breathe,
or you were going to be unconscious when they got down to altitude.
Of course, you’d probably revive. But we all went through that
training, because we were going to be flying on military aircraft.
Johnson:
If you’d like, let’s move on to Apollo 13 and talk about
your assignment for that mission and if you were on a ship, and, then,
of course, after the accident and what role you played during that.
Stone:
Well, I was still a part of the Mobile Quarantine Facility team on
Apollo 13. I was one of the folks who was going to operate the outside
of the trailer. I believe Buddy [Ralph H.] Culbertson was the engineer
that was going to run the trailer from the inside and be in quarantine
with the crew. We deployed out of Hawaii with the Quarantine Facility,
and I believe that was the USS New Orleans that we were on
for that flight. We sailed into the South Pacific, and the period
of time before Apollo 13 launched, we were going through our normal
training exercises with the Navy divers.
This was a different dive team, a different helicopter team, so there
was some amount of restart on the training that we had to do. And
we were getting to know a new ship, understanding its idiosyncrasies
on using its power and making sure the trailer operated well in that
shipboard environment.
Once Apollo 13 launched, it felt just like a normal flight. The daily
routine on a Navy ship, until it comes time to work on the recovery,
there’s four highlights of the day, breakfast, lunch, dinner,
and the movie. Just looking back at it, most of us don’t remember
exactly what we were doing when unless it’s a major event, and
Apollo 13, when it was declared in danger, was one of those events
where you remember exactly where you were. For us on board the ship,
we were way out in the Pacific Ocean and several times zones away
from Houston.
So we were eating dinner, or had finished dinner and were in a movie
in the wardroom when the captain of the ship called all the NASA people
to the CIC, the Command Information Center, where we did all of our
briefings and things, and we were told that there was a problem. A
movie as bad as this one was you would never remember, but the name
of the movie was The Green Slime, and to this day I remember
the movie. I actually bought a copy of it. I found a copy of it in
a video store several years ago, and I said, “Well, I probably
will never watch it, but this is a really good souvenir,” so
I’ve got it with my Apollo 13 stuff. So that’s what I
was doing when we were told.
Of course, we felt quite helpless, being so far away. We couldn’t
participate in any of the planning to get them home safely. The only
thing we could do is work with the Recovery Control Center back in
Houston to make sure that we were positioning the ship resources and
the aircraft resources in the most optimum place for return. Of course,
for a couple of days when they were outbound and were going to go
around the Moon, it was really unknown what part of the ocean they
were going to land in, because they’d had some trajectory disturbances
with the explosion of the oxygen tank, and they had been unable to
do the precision tweak burns that we do to be right on target to land
close to the ship, just because everything was turned off in the Command
Module.
But in the two days coming back, where they were really getting good
radar tracking, we could determine better where they were going to
land. We repositioned the ship and the aircraft assets to be in what
we hoped was the most optimum place for Apollo 13. And then we were
just as nervous as everybody else, probably more so, because we couldn’t
contribute in the [Mission Operations] Control Center. So we were
just waiting.
The morning that Apollo 13 reentered, we actually, on board the ship—if
you saw the movie, there was a long period of time where they didn’t
hear. We actually saw the spacecraft and the chutes before the Control
Center got the crew on the radio. We were trying to tell them we had
them in sight, but the communications delays—I don’t know
whether we got to them before they really got radio voice with the
crew or not, but it was close, because we were trying to tell them
we saw them with three good chutes. But that was just an amazing feeling
to see this spacecraft float down, and we got to it with the swimmers,
and clearly the crew was physically and emotionally spent.
They recovered very quickly once we got them on board the ship. Fred
[W.] Haise [Jr.] was the crewman that had suffered the most. He actually
was ill by the time he got back, suffering from an infection, and
he went straight to sick bay. But the other two crewman, [James A.]
Lovell [Jr.] and [John L.] Swigert [Jr.], within thirty minutes they
were bouncing around on the hangar deck, looking at the spacecraft,
and they actually had dinner with the officers that night and we had
a big celebration. Fred didn’t feel like coming, so he was still
in sick bay. But the other two guys were doing great.
But being part of the quarantine team, we really didn’t have
anything to do since they didn’t go to the Moon, other than
help the other guys with the spacecraft deactivation and the work
that we normally do to make the spacecraft safe to take back to shore.
We did provide all of the personal com [communications] for the crews.
They did get to talk to the President, like they did on [Apollo] 11
and 12, and then we set up personal com for them so they could talk
to their families through our communications gear in the quarantine
trailer. It gave them a private place to go and to be able to talk
to their families.
Johnson:
That was quite an experience to see firsthand.
Stone:
Oh, it was. It certainly was.
Johnson:
After Apollo 13, what was your assignment on 14? Were you again on
the prime ship?
Stone:
No, I actually was not. I did not go out anymore after Apollo 13.
I started a transition to the world of flight control. I had moved
into the Flight Control Division and had begun training as a Guidance
Officer for the follow-on Apollo missions. By the time the program
was cancelled, I had served two planning shifts, or off shifts, in
the Control Center as a Guidance Officer.
So I did not go out anymore after Apollo 13 on a recovery ship, though
I did get deployed on Apollo 14, associated with a scientific experiment
where the Ames Research Center [Moffett Field, California] was doing
a study on supersonic shock waves in near-space environment. So we
actually went out and got underneath the flight path of the Saturn
V on [Apollo] 14. When it got up very, very high, we were trying to
measure the shock waves that were being generated at very, very high
altitudes.
We were on an oceangoing tugboat called the USS Grasp. It’s
interesting, because I saw a thing on the Discovery Channel the other
day. The USS Grasp is still in existence as an oceangoing
tugboat for the Navy.
But that’s where I was for the launch of Apollo 14 is about
forty miles offshore, watching this thing fly overhead, being real
quiet so we could listen for shock waves with these real sensitive
microphones. That is the only Apollo launch that I ever got to see
was Apollo 14, because 15 and 16 and 17, I was training in the Control
Center and was unable to go to a launch down at the Cape [Canaveral,
Florida].
Johnson:
What brought about this transition to Guidance Officer?
Stone:
Well, it was clear that we had done all of the prep work for doing
recoveries at sea, so the need for the design and the test groups
was rapidly falling off. So instead of a hundred people, we needed
about thirty to forty people to deploy on the ships, and we didn’t
need the other organizations in that division.
The division was actually disbanded, and they started moving the people
into other disciplines. About forty people stayed on to fly out the
rest of the Apollo Program, and then, of course, we did Skylab and
ASTP [Apollo-Soyuz Test Project], but it was this smaller group of
people. So the division had been disbanded, and it actually became
a branch in the Flight Control Division to finish flying out the use
of the Apollo Command Module.
Because of my background in aero [aerospace], I was really anxious
to get on with something that was more aligned with my education,
and the guidance position in the Control Center was a good place to
be. It was just kind of a random selection. I thought it would be
good, and so did they, and they were shorthanded, so that’s
how I started down my path as a Flight Controller.
Johnson:
If you will, talk about that early training as a Guidance Officer
and what that entailed, and, as you said, you were involved in the
planning shifts, and those last Apollo flights.
Stone:
The training program was becoming more and more sophisticated as we
went farther and farther into the program. It started out, a lot of
it was just you worked on the system, became an expert, and you kind
of learned as you went in the Control Center. By the time I started
the process, they did have a number of training manuals that were
designed for the specific positions in the Control Center. I went
through that self-training using the manuals, and then I started doing
simulations with an experienced Guidance Officer, learning how to
use the tools in the Control Center and learning the spacecraft better
and better. So it was really an on-the-job training and working in
that area, building procedures and working on malfunction procedures
that we kept doing right up until the last Apollo Command Module flew.
I’ll bet we redid and got smarter every flight, and redid procedures
nearly every cycle. So that was how we went through the training process.
I guess one of the funny stories that I like to tell people, typically
the training path for a Flight Controller is to start in the back
room, where they’re responsible for looking at a specific data
screen, learning everything there is about the discipline, and consulting
with a senior Flight Controller in the front room that actually talks
to the Flight Director and is the primary interface. But my boss called
me in and said, “Hey, we want you to start training, and we’ve
decided that you probably aren’t smart enough to be in the back
room, so we’re going to make you a front-room operator.”
I did have the ability to communicate fairly well, and that was kind
of a leg up on some people. I had the ability to look at lots of data
and boil it down. So I got the opportunity. They had plenty of back-room
people in the guidance area that truly did not want to go to the front
room. They just wanted to be the data folks and the analysis folks,
and so in the guidance area they were actually shorthanded for people
that could take it, boil it down, and talk to somebody else about
the problems and the solutions.
So I got an opportunity that a lot of people didn’t get to have,
where I didn’t go through that two or three years of training
in the back room. And it may not have been an opportunity. It may
have been, “Hey, I got shortchanged in my training.” But
it finally all worked out.
Johnson:
If you will, just talk about that position in the Control Room itself,
and where you were located and who you worked with during those missions.
Stone:
Okay. Well, the Guidance Officer was part of the “trench”,
and I’m sure you’ve had Flight Dynamics Officers, FIDOs,
and other people that were in the trench talk about the tradition
of the trench where, hey, we were the guys that were really in charge
and knew it all. So there was a little bit of rivalry from the front
row, which was the trench, and the folks up in the back of the room.
The Guidance Officer was the person that actually commanded the Command
Module computer and uploaded state vectors and burn targets and that
sort of thing. Things that the Flight Dynamics Officer computed, we
were responsible for getting on board, making sure it was in the computer
properly and cycling proper in the computer. The Guidance Officer
was responsible for all of the onboard computer system for the Apollo
Command Module, and so it kind of spanned a lot of positions, because
the computer operated the engines and actually ran the guidance software.
It kind of cut across all the various systems. So it was a great place
to learn about the spacecraft and to be a part of that.
The last two flights, because my training was moving along okay, but
I wasn’t ready to be the guy that flew launch or the guy that
was responsible for configuring the spacecraft to return or go to
the Moon or that sort of thing. I did a lot of shifts at night when
the flight crew was asleep. But it was a great experience to be part
of the history of the Control Center and learning more and more about
the discipline. Because even though we weren’t going to go to
the Moon again after Apollo 17, the Command Module was going to be
the principal transport vehicle to orbit for Skylab and then the Apollo-Soyuz
Project.
After Apollo I became one of the Guidance Officers that did ascents,
that did rendezvous in Skylab, and then I was the lead Guidance Officer
that did all of the flight integration work for that position for
the Apollo-Soyuz Project. So it was a great transition from riding
ships to being in the Control Center.
Johnson:
If you will, go ahead and discuss a little bit about the Skylab missions
and the simulations and how you trained for that, and your duties
during those missions.
Stone:
Okay. The first Skylab launch was an unmanned launch, and, of course,
since there wasn’t a Command Module, we weren’t there.
But that put up the lab and started the process.
One of the things that NASA had never done, leading up to Skylab,
was continuous operations in space, and so we had a lot to learn about
twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week, forever and ever type
operations. There were going to be some of us that were going to do
those things all the time, and then there were going to be some of
us, like Guidance Officers, that we operated the Command Module up
through rendezvous, and up through power-down once it got attached
to Skylab. Then once a week we came in, and the crew powered everything
up, and we looked at the ship, and then they powered it down, and
we went away.
So the guidance position was really a cool position in Skylab, because
we weren’t there seven days a week. We were there once a week.
We were there when they did EVAs, Extravehicular Activities, going
outside, because we had the Command Module powered up as an emergency
lifeboat if something happened while you were doing that. Anytime
there was a critical operation, we powered the spacecraft up, and
a couple of times we actually used the Command Module to reorient
the Space Station to desaturate its CMGs [Control Moment Gyros], the
big rotating gyroscopes that they use to hold its position. So we
came in just for special events.
Unfortunately, a lot of those special events were Christmas, New Year’s,
Thanksgiving. So I think the guys that were there twenty-four hours
a day, seven days a week, scheduled these special events so the other
guys who had it so good had to come in on holidays.
On the first manned mission, it was the first launch that I participated
in as a Guidance Officer. I did that with Ken [Kenneth W.] Russell.
He was the lead on that flight, and then I actually took over after
we had begun the rendezvous to finish the rendezvous with Skylab.
Then the next two manned parts of the Skylab mission, I was the Guidance
Officer for ascent and entry for those missions.
Johnson:
Before the launch of the first Skylab, it was almost delayed because
of some of the software, and they had to speed up that development.
Do you have any memories of that?
Stone:
We did have some involvement in the Skylab software. Most of that
Skylab software development was a Marshall [Space Flight Center, Huntsville,
Alabama] activity, not a JSC activity. But we had a number of interfaces
between the Command Module software and the Station for flight control
system. So we did a lot of simulating working those interfaces when
they were trying to speed up the development. But I was not a part
of that development team at all, other than the fact that we simmed
with it and figured out what wasn’t working and what was working.
Johnson:
Did you have any involvement during SMEAT [Skylab Medical Experiments
Altitude Test]?
Stone:
No, none at all.
Johnson:
You mentioned that you would be there for the rendezvous and then
you would go away and then come back every once in a while. What were
you doing in between, on those times when you weren’t on duty
in the Control Center?
Stone:
Typical office work; following the mission and then working on planning
for the next mission.
Johnson:
Is there anything about Skylab that you’d like to mention that
we haven’t talked about?
Stone:
Well, it was interesting, quite interesting for me. I had gotten married
just before we started Skylab. My wife worked at NASA, and she was
one of the teleprinter operators for Skylab, the person that put together
the messages and shipped them up. Skylab was the first mission that
we had that we had like a teleprinter. It was not as good as a fax
machine, but it was how we communicated with data, written word, with
the crew. It always seemed like we were—when I was doing shift
work in the Control Center on the Command Module, she was always on
a different shift, and so several weeks in a row we’d kind of
pass in the night as we were working odd shifts. It made me absolutely
certain I did not want to be a shift worker forever, for long period
of times.
Johnson:
Yes, it could be a little difficult on a marriage even after you’ve
been married a while.
Stone:
That’s right. That’s right. But I guess the two most memorable
things was the first manned flight with Pete [Charles Peter] Conrad
[Jr.] and the work they did to save the Skylab vehicle, because it
was wounded seriously during the ascent, losing one of the solar arrays.
Without the incredible design team on the ground that built the solar
heat shield and the work of Pete and his crew to get all that installed,
we would not have had a Skylab mission. It was an amazing engineering
feat, both on the ground and in space, to make all that happen.
Johnson:
Did you stay in that area? I think you said you stayed in it for Apollo-Soyuz,
also. What were your duties during that time?
Stone:
Yes. Well, when we were getting ready for Apollo-Soyuz, it was an
interesting challenge. Obviously, we knew how to operate the Apollo
Command Module, but we were going to have to interface with the Apollo-Soyuz
docking module. We were going to have to rendezvous and dock with
a Russian spacecraft. So the procedures and the interfaces that we
had to develop with our Russian counterparts were extensive and really
made that flight complicated from the standpoint that there was a
language barrier; there was kind of a distrust of each other. We certainly
didn’t trust them. They certainly didn’t trust us. And
in the Russian culture, you have to build that one-on-one trust before
you can get anything done technically, and that was a big challenge.
We had a number of Russians come here, and a number of us went to
Moscow [Russia]. I did not have a direct counterpart on the Russian
flight control team, so I never went to Moscow during ASTP. But I
helped build all of the procedures that we were going to use to interface
with them when we rendezvoused and docked. So there was a lot of iteration
of changing procedures and building procedures and simulating with
the Russians to get to the point that it was really safe to fly the
Apollo-Soyuz mission.
I was the Guidance Officer for the launch of the Command Module going
to dock with the Soyuz, and I was also on console for the docking
with the Soyuz spacecraft. So it was neat to be part of history. Then
it just seemed like, “Boy, this is hard work, working with the
Russians.” And “I hope we don’t ever have to do
it again,” was kind of my thought. Little did we know that here
nearly twenty years later we would be building an International Space
Station with the Russians, and that interface that we built back in
Apollo-Soyuz was very, very important.
We’ll talk about it when we get to Space Station, but some of
the people that in Russia that the Americans worked with on Apollo-Soyuz
were the same people that we worked with at the beginning of Space
Station. Russian engineers in their space program seldom ever change
positions. They did the same thing their entire career. If they were
a structures guy, they were a structures guy forever. If they were
a Flight Director for Apollo-Soyuz, they were still a Flight Director
when we got to flying Space Station. So it was very interesting. Many
of the names I recognized when I started working Space Station, and
yea, verily, they were the same people.
Johnson:
You mentioned that some of the Russians came here, and you didn’t
have a direct counterpart, but you did have dealings with as far as
some interaction?
Stone:
Some interaction, but for me not very much.
Johnson:
You were on console when the actual docking took place. Can you just
describe that time for us?
Stone:
Yes. You know, Apollo-Soyuz, the crew was a pretty unique crew. General
[Thomas P.] Stafford was the commander. “Deke” [Donald
K.] Slayton was the Command Module pilot for docking, and Vance [D.]
Brand was the Command Module pilot for deorbit and entry. So everybody
was going to get to do something, so it was an interesting cockpit
management, I’m sure, for General Stafford and the crew, because
here are three experienced crewmen, and even though it was Deke Slayton’s
first and only flight, Deke was probably the most experienced astronaut
of the bunch. He had trained and trained and trained and trained,
and had been head of the Astronaut Office. So he was just as much
a commander of the vehicle and people as General Stafford, so I’m
sure that was an interesting interplay.
But Deke was the Command Module pilot that did the rendezvous and
docking and actually flying the ship right up close. Watching the
docking, the Russian hardware really expected a small amount of delta
V to force it together for us to dock to it, and looking at the final
phases, comparing it to the way we fly a Shuttle up to the Space Station
today, it looked pretty scary, because the closing velocities, though
not high, were definitely you could see them coming together much
more rapid than you see in a Shuttle docking. I think Deke was always
afraid he was going to bounce off and not make a good interface, so
right at the last minute he kind of punched it, and it was a fairly
significant whack.
Those of us in the Control Center that were looking at the velocities
kind of took a big gulp, and we were really relieved when the crew
said they had capture and the latches were latching. We were wondering
if something was going to be broken. But, it was completely within
the acceptable parameters of it, it was just on the high end, and
there was a pretty good bump. If you talk to them today, the crewmen
that are still with us, they’ll tell you it was a pretty good
bump when they docked.
But it was exciting to dock with a Russian spacecraft and know that
it was—this was one of those things that isn’t going to
happen very often, especially with our relationship with the Russians
at the time. Of course, it’s gotten much better over the years,
but then there was a lot of tension, and we knew it was something
historical, the beginning of something that might change the world
someday.
Johnson:
After Apollo-Soyuz, did you stay in the same section during that time?
Stone:
I went to a group that we started working on Shuttle things, Orbiter
things, and the group I was in was a Flight Test Group. We were just
kind of struggling to figure out what to do next to get ready. Those
of us that had some Landing and Recovery background—and aero
background—were in this Flight Test Group that was to figure
out what flight test was going to look like for the Shuttle. So we
benchmarked some of the big aircraft programs, and B-70 was one of
them, the B-52 Flight Test Program, because they were big aircraft,
complex aircraft, looking at those flight test programs. We built
kind of a “straw-man,” here’s what you’ve
got to do to test the Orbiter as an aerodynamic vehicle, not as a
spacecraft.
So I worked on that for, I guess, about a year, and then it was clear
that my background as a Guidance Officer and onboard computer systems
might have a better place working in the flight control area for Shuttle
on the flight software and the flight computer system. I joined a
group that became the Data Processing System Group, and the DPS—the
acronym for it was the DPS Officer that was going to be responsible
in the Control Center. I went back to work for Ken Russell, who was
my mentor in becoming a Guidance Officer and showing me the ways of
the flight control world.
I got heavily involved in the development of the Shuttle software,
the flight control software, and the computer system. It was a very
unique computer system, in that it had four computers running together
in parallel, and then everything divided up between these four computers
so you had redundancy for every major thing on the spacecraft that
the computers were controlling. So I was on the design team that was
trying to help IBM [International Business Machine, Inc.] learn how
to run computers in sync and do the same thing at the same time, talk
back and forth, and so I worked on that for a number of years until
we got close enough that, yea, verily, we’re really going to
fly on Orbiter.
Then we started building displays to be able to look at the computer
system on board the Orbiter. And because of the complexity of the
system and the way everything on the Orbiter was tied together through
the general-purpose computers, you became—because you were working
on the data system—you became somewhat of an expert on everybody
else’s system, the propulsion system, the reaction control system,
the environmental system. Because all of these things fed inputs into
the computers and were being talked back and forth in this redundant
set. So it was a wonderful time of systems engineering on figuring
out how this was really going to work.
We had some really, really good programmers that had put all this
stuff together, but making it work was an ops problem, and we spent
several years building the display so you could see into the computer
system, see all of the systems and subsystems, and how it played together.
And then how does the crew interface with all of this without it being
so overwhelming that their workload is too high to be safe? That was
a real challenge, because this was the first time we had so much data
in one place we were actually overwhelming the flight crews with data.
So that was an interesting time, turning data into information on
displays and working the crew interface for the Shuttle cockpit.
Then once that all kind of started coming together and it was clear
we had to establish some leads to get ready to fly the first flight,
I was assigned as the lead to do ascent for the data processing system.
Darrell [E.] Stamper was assigned the lead to do all the entry things.
Then he and I were just going to—STS-1, the first Shuttle mission,
was going to be a short mission, and we were just going to leapfrog
each other. I’d work a ten-hour shift and go away and then come
back and do the next planning shift, and then he’d take over
and do entry. So it was only a fifty-some-hour mission, so there were
only two of us that they did have a planning shift guy in there someplace
or a second-shift guy. Now, I don’t remember who it is at this
point.
But getting ready to fly the first ascent and getting ready to fly
the first entry was arduous. The simulator didn’t work very
good in the beginning, and we’d fly part of an ascent, and the
simulator would break. We’d fly a full ascent, and then we’d
debate for two hours whether it flew it right and we were getting
the right data and the flight dynamics were right and this, that,
and the other. So the early simulations for the first flight of the
Orbiter were difficult, because you didn’t get much accomplished
in an eight- or ten-hour day.
But by the time we got that working smoothly, and before we launched
the Space Shuttle the very first time, those of us on the ascent did
over a thousand ascent runs. So we had seen what we thought was just
about every kind of failure that you could imagine and knew how to
deal with it. So we were fairly confident we knew how to operate the
vehicle. We weren’t real confident what the vehicle was going
to do for real during ascent. So as we got closer and closer to flight,
and the simulations ran better and better and had higher and higher
fidelity, we started realizing that there are a lot of things that
can go wrong that will keep you from getting to orbit.
But by the time we got there, we felt like we were extremely, extremely
well trained, probably better trained than any other team in the history
of the program, at least in the number of sims [simulations] and the
number of different failures that we had seen and dealt with during
our training period. And that, what I’ve just talked about,
spans a number of years, the development of the software, the learning
how to operate the software, building the simulation capability, and
then starting to train.
The Mission Control Center was way more sophisticated than it was
in the early Apollo days, but it was still very difficult to reconfigure
and get new displays into it. So the set of displays we flew for STS-1
started being installed in the Control Center probably a year and
a half, two years before we actually flew. During that period of time
we learned so much about the system that for STS-2 and [STS-]3 and
[STS-]4 there were going to be lots of changes to these displays in
the Control Center.
So the Control Center being not very flexible, we’d fly one
mission on one floor; get ready to fly the next mission on another
floor. So we had two separate software systems, two separate hardware
systems. So the way the Control Center was configured was really a
boon for us, because we could get ready to fly in one FCR [Flight
Control Room] while we’re working on the next flight in the
other Flight Control Room.
But by the time we got to STS-1 we figured we knew just about everything
there was to know about the software and how it was going to react;
pretty naïve, I might add. But when we started counting down
for the first mission, I had a number of people in my back room, Jerry
Canori [phonetic], Bill [William E.] Lychwick, and a couple of others,
that were in training that were very, very knowledgeable of the Shuttle
primary and backup software systems.
As we came up on the time in the count that the spacecraft needed
to go to flight mode—it had been in a preflight mode in the
computers up to this point, for the whole countdown, the hours and
hours and hours of countdown. But at t-minus-twenty minutes we had
to reconfigure the spacecraft to a flight configuration, in that we
took these four synchronized computers and transitioned them into
flight mode. And we transitioned the fifth computer, which was the
backup computer, which was completely independent software, into flight
mode, and those two computer systems actually talked to share data.
When we came out of the t-minus-twenty-minute hold, we had four good
primary computers, but the backup computer couldn’t see two
of the flight control strings in the vehicle. Clearly it was unacceptable
to fly your first flight when the two systems didn’t match,
and then the debate started to rage about, “Can we back out
of this and see if it was just some funky phenomenon? We’ll
transition again, and if everything’s okay, can we launch?”
My back room was analyzing the data, and Jerry Canori [phonetic] came
up. Everybody thought there was something wrong with the backup machine,
and he was my backup flight computer specialist. The other guy that
was back there, Jim Hill [phonetic], a guy with a huge amount of experience,
even then, he is still a Flight Controller in the Control Center,
getting ready to fly his last flight. He’s nearly seventy years
old; I guess he is seventy years old. But they came to me on the loop
and said, “There is nothing wrong with the backup. The problem
is with the primary computer system. It’s not sending data.”
Well, everything is still raging in the Control Center and down at
the Cape. All of the IBM experts are looking, and this can’t
happen. So we all decided that we were going to go back into the prelaunch
mode, which was called OPS-9, and we transitioned everything back
to
OPS-9. The computers all looked good, and I’m thinking, “Man,
if we come out of this hold and it works, am I go to fly?”
I’ve talked to my back room, and Jerry Canori [phonetic] and
Jim Hill [phonetic] and Bill Lychwick all said, “We don’t
understand it. We don’t want to fly today.” And we don’t
know what the Cape is going to do, because we’d been counting
down. We’d tried launch, and the first flight had slipped and
slipped and slipped. So it was really on everybody’s mind that
today was a good day to go fly. Beautiful weather.
But I made a decision with the help of the folks in the back room
that it is not the right day to go fly. So I got on the flight loop
and told Neil [B.] Hutchinson, who was the Flight Director. I said,
“Flight, I don’t care what happens when we come out of
the t-minus-nine-minute hold. DPS is no go for launch.” And
man, you could have heard a pin drop in that room. I mean, it went
from a lot of buzz to quiet.
The Flight Director asked me, “Are you sure you are no go for
launch?”
I said, “Yes, sir. We do not understand what happened here.
If it works this next time, I can’t guarantee it’s going
to work through ascent, and I can’t guarantee it’s going
to work when we bring these computers back alive to do entry. I am
no go for launch.”
He says, “Boy, I’m sure glad you are no go for launch,
because I was, and I didn’t have a good reason.” [Laughs]
So we did come out and thank goodness, we didn’t have to make
that hard decision, because it still was a problem. The computers
still didn’t match up. But that has always been my claim to
fame is I was the guy that was no go for launch on STS-1 before we
ever found out if it was okay or was going to work when we came out
of the hold again. And truly, I believe that was a turning point in
my decision-making process where I was confident enough to say no
in an environment when everybody else wanted to say yes.
Shortly after that and after we flew STS-1 successfully—and
it took several days to figure out what was wrong with it, and it
was, by the way, the primary computer system, just like Jerry Canori
[phonetic] said. It was a timing problem that was in the computers.
When you brought them up from the mass memory and started them, one
in six hundred times or something you’re going to get this funny
timing problem, and it wouldn’t work with the backup machine.
IBM fixed it, and we never had the problem again after the first flight.
Once we understood it, we were prepared to just recycle the machines
and move forward on the next attempt. But after that first flight
IBM fixed the flaw in the software so it couldn’t happen, and
we moved on.
But Dr. [Christopher C.] Kraft, after we landed, came down and told
me that the ascent call I made being no go for launch was the right
one, and if I hadn’t of done it, he was going to come down and
slap me around. So I was really glad I had done that. And about three
weeks later I got selected to be a Flight Director, so it was kind
of an event that was scary at the time, but it actually probably benefited
my career as much as anything I had done to that point, as far as
recognition was concerned.
Johnson:
After that flight, and if three weeks later you were selected to be
a Flight Director, did you continue working in the data processing
system for the following flights?
Stone:
I did for two more flights. For STS-2 and [STS-]3 I did the entry.
Darrell Stamper and I flip-flopped. He did ascent on [STS-]2 and I
did entry on flight 2. Then we flip-flopped again, and I did ascent
on [STS-]3 and he did entry on 3. By that time we had enough other
DPS people trained for the front room. We had people working the other
shifts, and they were ready.
But I had started already training for the Flight Director position
and running what they called Flight Techniques meetings before I ever
finished my DPS tour of duty, and was actually, on STS-4, one of the
assigned Flight Directors to do what we today—or then—called
Team 4. If something happened during the flight, this fourth team
would activate with all of the right experts to try to give the on-console
flight control team some support. So, flight 3 I was a DPS. Flight
4, I was actually a Flight Director, and I actually flew my first
shift as a Flight Director on STS-6, two flights later.
The training program for the Flight Director then was not very regimented.
It was mainly based on your previous history of getting ready to be
an operator, and then on-the-job training in this Flight Techniques
environment was part of your training ground. Today the Flight Director
training syllabus is very well documented and has about a six-month
flow before you’re ready to really sim and get ready for your
first flight. In the early Shuttle days we transitioned very quickly
from a Flight Controller to a Flight Director. From STS-4, where I
had my first taste of getting ready for a flight, to STS-6 was only
several months, six or seven months, so it wasn’t a lot of training
time.
Johnson:
What exactly were the Flight Techniques meetings?
Stone:
Flight Techniques, because every flight was a new flight. Everything
we put in the payload bay was something new we’d never done
before. So we had to go through an analysis of, one, whatever the
payload was we were going to do, how we were going to operate it;
what impacts it would have on the Orbiter.
Flight 4 was interesting. We had a DoD payload in the bay, and we’re
doing some remote manipulator arm testing and some flight testing
on the payload bay doors, exposing them to different attitudes with
respect to the sun to look at the physical warping of the Orbiter
because of heating. So the Flight Techniques for STS-4 were divided
into this payload bay door activity, this DoD payload activity, which
had to be operated at the secret level and you couldn’t talk
about it.
So we had two kinds of Flight Techniques. We had the test Flight Techniques,
where everybody could be there. We had the Defense Department Flight
Techniques, where we’re going to operate their payload. Then
we had the Flight Techniques where we were going to do the testing
with the RMS [Remote Manipulator System]. We were still trying to
understand the characteristics of the Orbiter at that time and do
payload operations, so it was a great learning ground for everybody.
We had to build the procedures. We had to understand what these thermal
things were going to do to the doors. We had to understand what we
were doing with the arm and the loads we were putting on the arm.
Very little was known about this arm, using it in space. We’d
done a lot of simulations on the ground.
So it was a real flight test program, and that’s what Flight
Techniques did. It pulled all the procedures together. It made sure
that we had identified all the things they ought to analyze. We had
looked at the analysis, and we weren’t doing anything dangerous.
We knew how to recover from things.
We knew we were actually going to put the spacecraft in a position
where you could not close the doors, potentially, because there was
enough warp that they wouldn’t close, and we wanted to demonstrate
that you could warp it and then unwarp it by going to a different
attitude, and yea, verily, that all came to pass, and yea, verily,
it wouldn’t close. When we did one of the door tests, it actually
hung up, and we had to stop and reopen the doors and reorient the
spacecraft to get it out of the banana shape into a straight shape
so the doors would close.
That’s the kind of things we did in Flight Techniques.
Johnson:
Before we go on to the first flight, the STS-6 flight, where you were
on the first shift, at the end of Apollo and then Skylab and Apollo-Soyuz,
the Center itself was going through a lot of transition and getting
ready for Shuttle. In the late seventies there were a lot of layoffs
and those RIFs [reduction in force].
Stone:
Lots of turmoil.
Johnson:
Lots of things going on. If you can, share some of your memories of
that time period as far as the Center was concerned, and the morale
at the Center at the time.
Stone:
Those of us in Flight Control Division felt like that we had really
been somewhat protected from the RIFs because of the formal training
program that Gene [Eugene F.] Krantz had put into place; that because
of the intensive training programs to get you to the point where you
were a Flight Controller, it made you less susceptible to being RIFed,
because you had some valuable tools that were costly to re-create
later. So our morale was pretty good, in that we believed that we
were part of the core that was going to go forward, though you could
see around us some people getting RIFed and that’s a very uncomfortable
thing.
In fact, when the Landing and Recovery Division was shutting down,
they actually went through a RIF and a gentleman in another area that
got RIFed was going to bump my position, and I would have been the
one that went out the door. Because he had the seniority and the educational
background, he could have taken my job. As it turns out, he decided
to retire, and I didn’t get RIFed. So I went through that for
a real short period of time, that kind of uncertainty.
But transition from the excitement of Apollo to the little bit lesser
activity of Skylab and Apollo-Soyuz—not that they weren’t
really great programs to work on, but they weren’t bigger than
life, like going to the Moon. That transition down was difficult for
a lot of people, and at that time a lot of people actually left and
went to other industries, because they saw it as a better future.
I have a number of friends that left at the end of Apollo and worked
in the oil patch here, in the chemical industry, the rest of their
careers.
So I felt very fortunate that I was on a career path that actually
transitioned relatively smoothly from the shutdown of Apollo to Skylab
to Apollo-Soyuz, and then I was in the big middle of getting Shuttle
ready to go from the software standpoint. So I know all that stuff
was going on around me, but I felt very, very secure as long as we
didn’t lose the funding to build the Orbiters.
Johnson:
There were a number of other changes going on. For one thing, the
[19]’78 class of astronauts came through, and for the first
time there were women and minorities involved there, and also women
were starting to show up in Flight Control. Do you have any memories
of that time period and those transitions?
Stone:
Well, of course, the women starting to show up in Flight Control started
to happen at the tail end of Apollo. We didn’t have any front
room operators, but we did have some back room people that transitioned
in. We had some front room operators in Skylab, a limited number of
women. But by the time we finished Apollo-Soyuz and we were getting
ready to go for the first flight of the Space Shuttle, there were
women popping up in all of the different disciplines in Flight Control.
Most people, most of the Flight Controllers that I know, especially
the ones my age, thought that was great. There was no competitive
thing going on. We were just glad that women now felt comfortable
sticking to the engineering curriculum and going out into what had
once been almost completely a man’s world. No women graduated
my engineering class in 1967, zero. So I thought it was a good thing.
And, of course, the women astronauts that they selected were outstanding
individuals, easy to work with, as capable as anybody that had come
before them in their own disciplines.
So that transition, to me, did not cause any problem. It probably
caused more difficulty in the astronaut corps itself than it did outside
in the other disciplines, because the astronaut corps at that time
was still almost 100 percent fighter pilots, and “women didn’t
belong in the cockpit” type folks. I mean, it changed. There’s
still probably some strain there a little bit, but that transition
has gone as well as one could expect, I guess.
But I guess my claim to fame on women in the Control Center, I was
the first Flight Director that had more than one woman on his flight
control team on a given shift, and that was on STS-6. I actually had
three women in the Control Center on the front room flight control
team for that flight, so it was kind of unique. Mimi [Cheevon B.]
Lau was my Flight Activities Officer, and that was the first time
we’d had a woman in that key position of FAO in the Control
Center. I didn’t think anything about it, but it got quite a
bit of notoriety at the time.
Johnson:
All the Flight Directors got to pick a color. What was your color
and what was the reason behind picking it?
Stone:
Well, by the time I became a Flight Director, there weren’t
a lot of good colors left. We had one of the historians of NASA, Bob
[Robert D.] Legler. I don’t know whether you know Bob, but if
you haven’t had him come through on the oral history, you really
need to have him do that. He was kind of the local historian. He sent
out a note to us new Flight Directors. “Here are all the colors
that have been used, and here are all of the other options that you
may have.”
Well, he called me up personally, and he says, “You need to
be infrared flight.” I thought about it a minute, and the acronym,
IR, IR flight, I decided that wasn’t good. Fuchsia didn’t
sound like a good color. The good [University of Texas, Austin, Texas]
Longhorn Pete [M. Peter] Frank had already taken orange, and, you
know, red was gone. White was gone. Black was gone. Green was gone.
The primary colors were all used, and so as I’m looking through
the list, I decided on amber, and probably for no other reason than
it sounded okay.
I didn’t want to be yellow flight. That one has never been used,
by the way. I don’t think there’s a yellow flight. I don’t
think so. It implies unpleasant things. But amber just seemed like
it was still a color, and it didn’t have any connotation that
I was worried about. So I picked amber flight, so that was my team
name. Then after that people started picking rocks and stars and stuff,
so we’ve gotten away from the colors by necessity.
Johnson:
You just ran out.
Stone:
Just ran out.
Johnson:
Well, speaking of running out, I think we’re going to need to
change our tape.
Stone:
All right.
[End
of interview]